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More Questions…

The Federal Trade Commission prosecuted Reverb, Inc. because it allegedly posted reviews of gaming apps to Apple’s iTunes store without disclosing that the games were made by Reverb clients. The FTC said this injured consumers because customers were deprived of material facts about the only reviews and ”these facts would have been material to consumers in their purchasing decision regarding the gaming applications.”

Accepting that argument at face value, why didn’t the Commission then state what gaming applications were involved? Nowhere in the FTC’s complaint, proposed order, or supporting documents are the games — or their producer, Reverb’s alleged client — identified. But if consumers were supposedly harmed by Reverb’s failure to disclose, then don’t they have a right to know what product was the subject of these allegedly fake reviews? It doesn’t make any sense. The FTC says customers were deprived of material facts, yet the Commission’s order makes no provision for providing those same material facts.

Think FTC?

Disclaimer: I’m about to engage in speculation. I don’t claim to have proof of what I’m about to say.

On the Mises Blog earlier, I discussed today’s proposed Federal Trade Commission order against Reverb Communications, Inc., and its owner, Tracie Snitker. This is the first of what is sure to be many “blogola” cases, where the FTC now claims the right to prosecute individuals who post reviews or comments online about products without disclosing their financial interests in said products. In this case, the FTC accused Reverb of posting favorable reviews to Apple’s iTunes website about game applications published by one of Reverb’s clients.  The FTC said this violated their recently announced policies purporting to regulate such activities.

It’s a chilling argument. The FTC now claims jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute individuals merely for posting comments on public websites. What I want to know is, how did the FTC learn about Reverb’s posts? The Commission’s lawyers surely didn’t figure this out on their own. There are at least two plausible explanations: Either a Reverb employee squealed to the FTC, or Apple did.

If it was Apple — and again, I don’t claim to have any evidence it was — this raises all sorts of red flags. First and foremost, Apple itself is under FTC investigation for a number of imagined antitrust offenses. Might Apple have offered a token sacrifice in Reverb to get on the Commission’s good side? Or does Apple simply think using the FTC to eradicate what it perceives as pesky “deceptive” comments on its iTunes store is now a legitimate business tactic? If Apple is involved, and the FTC and Apple don’t say as much, that also raises enormous privacy concerns. Given the FTC’s own demands to expand its own control over the Internet in the name of protecting “consumer privacy,” it would be more then a little hypocritical if Apple turned over data about its commenters to a federal agency acting under the flimsiest pretext of legal authority.

UPDATE: Russ Frushtick of MTV reports on this case:

I spoke with Stacey Ferguson, a Staff Attorney at the FTC in the division of Advertising Practices in the Bureau of Consumer Protection. Ferguson worked on the Reverb case and while she wasn’t able to go into specifics, she did mention that the FTC “got reports from press that Reverb was involved in these fake postings and we decided to look into it some more, so we opened an investigation.”

Once the investigation began, Ferguson explained that the FTC “reviewed internal Reverb materials and documents, so we were able to determine that part of [Reverb's] marketing campaign was to post these fake reviews on behalf of their client.”

Frushtick also posted this response from Reverb:

During discussions with the FTC, it became apparent that we would never agree on the facts of the situation. Rather than continuing to spend time and money arguing, and laying off employees to fight what we believed was a frivolous matter, we settled this case and ended the discussion because as the FTC states: “The consent agreement is for settlement purposes only and does not constitute admission by the respondents of a law violation.”

So the FTC is up to its usual tricks. bullying small firms into signing bullshit consent orders to justify the Commission’s illegal power grabs after the fact.

Gibberish!

Last week the Federal Trade Commission and Department of Justice announced their revised “horizontal merger guidelines.” The press release said the new guidelines “more accurately represent the [the] agencies’ merger review process.” Which implies the old guidelines were inaccurate, even though they’d been around for nearly two decades. So businesses were paying antitrust lawyers to advise them based on guidelines that did not accurately reflect the views of the people who wrote them.

The whole concept of the “horizontal merger guidelines” is ridiculous. They’re not law, just opinions of the bureaucrats who happen to be around today. And their opinions might change tomorrow. No business can actually rely on the guidelines to know, ex post, whether a possible merger is legal or illegal. The guidelines in no way limit the FTC and DOJ’s absolute prosecutorial discretion over whether to challenge a merger. So why have guidelines at all? Again, it’s so businesses will pay lawyers — many of them ex-FTC and ex-DOJ — to advise them on what the guidelines mean. It’s also fun for academics who can write lengthy law-review articles about their meaning. But it’s all just a bunch of gibberish.

Analyzing Analytics

Last week at the Mises Blog, I discussed the Federal Trade Commission’s “partial response” to my most recent Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, seeking all contracts and other documents detailing an outside contractor — Analytics, Inc. — that handles millions of dollars seized from private companies and ostensibly used for “consumer refunds” in cases where the FTC claims consumers were misled or defrauded. The FTC has not been forthcoming with information. It sent me a reply more than a month after the statutory deadline mandated by FOIA, it offered only a partial response — another one is coming in a couple of weeks, or so they promise — and of the 51 pages of documents identified as responsive, the FTC would only disclose three.

This obviously leaves a lot of unanswered questions. First there’s the matter of Analytics. Who are these people? According to the company’s website, Analytics helps “clients administer class action and mass tort settlements involving billions of dollars and hundreds of millions of class members.”  So when there’s a class action or a settlement, Analytics is called in to manage the list of class members, notify these individuals of the action, and if applicable administer settlement funds.

Analytics was founded in 1974. In 2008, BMC Group, Inc., purchased Analytics. BMC Group oversees a number of data-management businesses that service the legal industry. A little digging traced BMC Group to the State of Washington, where it is registered and lists Sean Allen as president and TinaMarie Feil as vice president.

Another question is why Analytics appears to be the FTC’s exclusive “redress administration” contractor. According to a 2000 memorandum by the FTC’s Inspector General, there were three contractors that provided redress administration services. But a 2005 audit indicated that Analytics is now the sole contractor.

Then there’s the audits themselves. The Inspector General’s website lists its last audit of the redress administration contracts in 2005, seven years ago. The audit traced Analytics’s distribution of redress funds in then-active cases. There are no publicly available documents about Analytics’ work since then. This is precisely the sort of data the FTC should make available through its website but does not. Instead, you get FTC press releases — like one from this week — that tout a large settlement and state, “All of the money collected will be used for consumer redress.” That is an outright lie. A percentage of the money may go to consumer redress, but Analytics and the US Treasury will also get a nice chunk of it.

Indeed, the Inspector General’s 2000 audit of redress administration contractors found a lot of the funds collected for “consumer redress” simply sat in the contractors’ bank accounts undistributed — for a median period of 3 1/2 years and in some cases over eight years. Now that was ten years ago. Maybe the FTC has gotten better at handing out money since then. But there’s no way to know absent public disclosure of all relevant data.

Of course, when it comes to Analytics, the FTC is tight-lipped. The FTC won’t even publicly identify the company in its press releases, noting that a “claims administrator” will distribute all funds. The FTC has yet to disclose Anayltics’ actual contract pursuant to my FOIA request, and there’s a good chance they’ll never do so voluntarily. In its partial response, the FTC said that virtually all information about the Commission’s agreement with Analytics is exempt from FOIA disclosure because they involve “confidential commercial or financial information,” which suggests the FTC considers Analytics’ “privacy” more important than public disclosure about the disposition of government-managed funds.

We’ll know more — hopefully — when the FTC completes its response to my FOIA request. But right now, we’re just left with a lot of questions and no signs of any answers.

“A Cult of Professionals”

Edwin S. Rockefeller, a former antitrust big-shot who turned heel against the profession, has an excellent letter to the editor in today’s Wall Street Journal:

Antitrust is unsound as economics. It is based on a definition of competition that is neither possible nor desirable—undifferentiated products in price equilibrium. It is unsound as law because it provides no coherent set of ascertainable rules to guide conduct. It is unsound as a matter of fact, because it is based on a belief in the false legend of Standard Oil.

Antitrust is a religion carried on by a cult of professionals. It gives government officials the power to interfere whimsically with freedom of contract, frequently on behalf of losers. It is a needless drag on the economy and of little demonstrable public benefit.

(HT: Donald Boudreaux)

Nobody Said They Could Count

The Federal Trade Commission announced a press conference in New York this Wednesday:

Forty-seven million Americans lack health insurance. The FTC and 20 state enforcement officials will announce a crackdown on the scammers who target the uninsured, the unemployed, and the uninsurable to peddle “medical discount plans” fraudulently marketed as health insurance.

So here’s my question: Why did the FTC open by stating, “Forty-seven million Americans lack health insurance”? How is that relevant to an anti-fraud (or “consumer protection”) investigation?

And where did that 47 million figure come from? It appears to be a commonly cited number of dubious merit. Michael F. Cannon, who runs healthcare studies for the Cato Institute, wrote last year:

For the record, according to the latest figures from the Census Bureau, 45.6 million Americans currently lack health insurance. This is actually down slightly from the 47 million that were uninsured in 2006. However, those numbers don’t tell the whole story.

For example, roughly one quarter of those counted as uninsured — 12 million people — are eligible for Medicaid and the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (S-CHIP), but haven’t enrolled. This includes 64 percent of all uninsured children, and 29 percent of parents with children. Since these people would be enrolled in those programs automatically if they went to the hospital for care, calling them uninsured is really a smokescreen.

Another 10 million uninsured “Americans” are, at least technically, not Americans. Approximately 5.6 million are illegal immigrants, and another 4.4 million are legal immigrants but not citizens.

Nor are the uninsured necessarily poor. A new study by June O’Neill, former director of the Congressional Budget Office, found that 43 percent of the uninsured have incomes higher than 250 percent of the poverty level ($55,125 for a family of four). And slightly more than a third have incomes in excess of $66,000. A second study, by Mark Pauly of the University of Pennsylvania and Kate Bundorf of Stanford, concluded that nearly three-quarters of the uninsured could afford coverage but chose not to purchase it.

LRC on Jon & Ruth

I have an article today at LewRockwell.com on the literal marriage of the FTC and the press.

I Finally Had Enough

Ruth Marcus finally pushed me too far with this comment in the Washington Post: “But there is something in the congressional atmosphere of compliant aides and fawning courtiers that enables and encourages their sense of ordinary-rules-don’t-apply-to-me entitlement.” I finally broke down and emailed the esteemed wife of Federal Trade Commission Chairman Jon Leibowitz:

Ms. Marcus:

I cannot disagree [with your statement]. But I think it’s only fair for you to disclose your own husband parlayed a gig as a “compliant aide and fawning courtier” to the Senate into a powerful position as chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, a position he was not qualified for relative to the previous occupants of that office. Furthermore, having covered the FTC for the better part of ten years, I can assure you that the agency’s ”sense of ordinary-rules-don’t-apply-to-me entitlement” arguably outstrips even that of the Congress. Perhaps you should look at your own home before throwing rocks at others. You might start by asking your husband about the dozens of occasions where he has violated the constitutional and civil liberties of Americans in pursuit of more power for himself and his own “compliant aides and fawning courtiers.”

A Pyrrhic Victory

The Justice Department tried to prosecute a man for price fixing. It didn’t work out.

So they charged him with obstruction of justice. That didn’t work out either.

So they charged him with attempted obstruction of justice. No dice.

So they charged him with conspiracy to commit obstruction of justice. Bingo!

And that’s what we call “the rule of law.”

Wild Speculation

Below, I noted that it’s unusual for an FTC attorney to respond to arguments raised in an amicus brief. I’ve filed a number of such briefs before, and the Isely case is the first time I can recall Commission counsel bothering to acknowledge my arguments. What that suggests to me is that Barbara Bolton, the FTC prosecutor, is worried one or more of the commissioners may actually read my brief and take it seriously. That’s hard for me to imagine, given how strongly I oppose the FTC and how I should have no credibility with them whatsoever.

But just to engage in wild speculation, I wonder if Bolton isn’t thinking about Commissioner J. Thomas Rosch. Since Jon Leibowitz took over as FTC chairman and supplanted Rosch as the overlord of litigation, Rosch has suddenly discovered problems with how the FTC staff behaves. A few months ago, he issued a rare public dissent from a consent order, where he all accused staff lawyers of bringing a retaliatory prosecution against an individual. This was a 180-degree turn for Rosch, who relished abusing his office when he held the balance of power prior to Leibowitz’s elevation.

If Rosch is looking for another chance to bash sloppy work by the staff, Barbara Bolton is a prime candidate. She bungled the Isely case to the point where her superiors didn’t even appeal the administrative law judge’s decision dismissing the complaint. That never happens at FTC. If she worked for a private law firm, she would have been fired. But the FTC never publicly admits error either.

The other thing Bolton and her superiors have to be concerned about is a possible review by the courts. Once the commissioners deny Isely’s appeal — and it’s pretty much a foregone conclusion they will — he can file a petition for review with either the D.C. or Fourth Circuits. Assuming he goes to the Fourth Circuit, the FTC is suddenly in not-so-friendly waters. As my amicus brief explained, there’s Fourth Circuit precedent that strongly suggests the FTC judge misapplied the law when he denied Isely’s application for attorney fees. Bolton cavalierly dismissed this case law in her recent brief. But remember, this is the first time the FTC has considered any sort of application for an award of attorney fees. There’s not a ton of precedent here, and what little there is speaks in Isely’s favor. Thus, it’s not automatic that the Fourth Circuit would side with the Commission.

Better Late Than Never

Federal Trade Commission lawyer Barbara Bolton finally got around to answering William Isely’s appeal of Judge D. Michael Chappell’s decision denying Isely compensation after Bolton falsely prosecuted him. Bolton filed her brief on July 14 – two days after the deadline stated in FTC rules. Not that we expect FTC employees to follow any rules.

Anyhow, Bolton’s brief just repeats what she’s said all along: It’s Isely’s fault I wrongly prosecuted him. Amusingly, Bolton felt the urge to respond to my amicus brief (which supported Isely’s appeal) in some passive-aggressive footnotes. I find this strange; you don’t normally see attorneys in any case reply to amicus briefs supporting the other side. After all, why give outside arguments credibility?

Here’s Bolton’s first critique of my work, in a footnote on page 11 of her brief:

The amicus criticizes the [Administrative Law Judge] because, in evaluating whether the Commission’s position was substantially justified, the ALJ noted that he had denied Respondent’s motion for summary decision. Indeed, the fact that the ALJ denied summary decision shows there was genuine dispute of fact for trial. In Pierce v. Underwood, the Supreme Court explained that, under [the Equal Access to Justice Act], the government’s position with respect to a proposition is substantially justified “if there is a ‘genuine dispute’” as to the proper resolution of that proposition. (citations omitted)

Now here’s what I said in my brief:

The ALJ concluded that because “there is a genuine dispute regarding evidence, there is substantial justification for proceeding with the action.” The ALJ elaborated that “the evidence upon which [the Commission] relies to oppose the Application is essentially the same evidence upon which it relied in support of its motion for summary decision in the Prior Adjudicative Proceeding.” The ALJ denied sides’ motions for summary decision because ”neither side’s evidence established an absence of disputed material facts, and it could not be concluded that either side was entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” The ALJ then said the Supreme Court’s decision in Pierce required a finding that the Commission’s position was “substantially justified” because ”there is a genuine dispute regarding evidence.”

This is not what Pierce requires. To the contrary, the Pierce court considered and rejected a similar argument. There, the fee applicant argued, ”[T]he weakness of the Government’s position is established by the objective fact that the merits were decided at the pleadings stage.” The Court disagreed, noting, “[S]ummary disposition proves only that the district judge was efficient.

The EAJA says that even if the government loses at trial, it doesn’t have to pay the other side’s attorney fees if its position was “substantially justified.” Bolton said Pierce equates “substantially justified” with “survived summary judgment.” I pointed out that’s not exactly what the Supreme Court said. In Pierce, the government lost at summary judgment, but the Court said that alone did not prove a lack of substantial justification. Logically, then, it can’t be the case that the defendant’s failure to obtain summary judgment proves there was “substantial justification.”

The substance of my brief addressed a Fourth Circuit case — and Isely lives in that circuit, so it’s binding precedent here — that said the government cannot claim a factual dispute as basis for substantial justification when the reason for the factual dispute is the government’s own inadequate investigation. And that’s exactly what happened here: Bolton failed to conduct a proper investigation before prosecuting Isely. Bolton dismisses this case in a short paragraph by simply stating she had enough evidence. Well, no, she didn’t. That’s why she lost at trial.

Here’s Bolton’s second footnote attack against my brief:

The amicus argues that public policy supports the grant of Respondents’ Application. In particular, it argues the EAJA was enacted so that individuals and small businesses could be reimbursed for their expenses in defending against “unreasonable government action.” Thus, the amicus suggests that the mere fact that Respondents consist of an individual and a small business should be sufficient to justify the grant of their Application. But this argument ignores that Congress did not enact the EAJA to enact a policy of loser pays. Thus, so long as the government’s position is substantially justified, even if not ultimately successful, the losing party is not entitled to an award of its attorney’s fees.

This is highly misleading. First of all, I didn’t say that Isely was entitled to an award simply because he’s an individual who owns a small business. The EAJA itself limits awards to individuals and small businesses below a certain net worth threshold. By definition, large businesses and wealthy individuals cannot obtain awards, regardless of whether the government’s actions were substantially justified.

Second, my brief cited the legislative history of the EAJA, as published by Congress, which made it abundantly clear that legislators were concerned about the disproportionate effects of regulatory enforcement against small businesses. The Senate report on the EAJA even contained a lengthy quote — from a former FTC chief economist! — on this very issue:

I had not fully realized until I came to Washington how unfairly the burden of federal regulation and antitrust enforcement falls upon small as compared to large companies. The corporate giants can and do maintain stables of highly skilled attorneys who advise them how to stay clear of the law and defend them if they nevertheless run afoul. Smaller firms are less able to afford such counsel, and the law firms they retain typically lack the specialized knowledge needed to cope with a body of statutory, case, and regulatory law as complex as [antitrust law]. As a result, such small firms are likely to get into trouble and to settle by consent if a complaint is brought.

My brief went on to say:

Congress was particularly concerned that agencies like the Commission would use its “greater resources and expertise” to “force compliance with its position.” In turn, this would establish future precedent “on the basis of an uncontested order rather than the thoughtful presentation and consideration of opposing views.” Congress cited Dr. [F.M.] Scherer’s testimony about his experiences at the Commission as “evidence that small businesses are the target of agency action precisely because they do not have the resources to fully litigate the issue,” and the EAJA was necessary to prevent “truncated justice” from compromising the regulatory decision-making process.

In contrast to the ALJ’s position in denying Isely’s application, Congress did not anticipate EAJA fee awards only in cases where there was an absence of disputed facts or law. Congress understood that “adjudicated or civil action provides a concrete adversarial test of government regulation and thereby insures the legitimacy and fairness of the law,” because only a contested hearing could prove “that the policy or factual foundation underlying an agency rule is erroneous or inaccurate.” Since adjudication, in this context, is necessary for “refining and formulating public policy,” Congress thought it unfair that a small businessman, like Isely, might be forced “to finance through their tax dollars unreasonable government action and also bear the costs of vindicating their rights.”

Nowhere did I state, suggest, or imply that the EAJA should be construed as a “loser pays” statute. What I said was Congress expressly anticipated cases like the one brought against Bill Isely when it passed the EAJA. Bolton never addressed that point. Her footnote implied I simply pulled these public-policy concerns out of my ass. All I did was throw Congress’s words back in her face.

Self-Awareness, Triviality, and Good PR

A commenter at the Mises Blog offered some interesting thoughts in response to one of my recent posts:

As a former long time telecom regulator and participant in decades of telecom liberalization and deregulation, I stand in awe of a) the FTC’s lack of self-awareness, b) the obsession of antitrust law with the trivial (an ice cream market, let alone a superpremium ice cream market? barriers to entry, anyone? and let’s just say someone was “overpricing” luxuries, why would we care?), and c) the massive PR coup that the antitrust industry has pulled off by somehow convincing most people that it is light-handed, pro-free-market (excuse me, “pro-competitive”) and not “regulation” while in reality being unpredictable, arbitrary, heavy-handed, intrusive and decidedly “stasist” (to use Virginia Postrel’s term). They make many current and ex-regulators I know look like wild-eyed free-marketeers. Really.

One of the really surprising things for me as telecom has transitioned from industry-specific regulation to an anti-trust environment is the shocking lack of restraint exhibited by many antitrust authorities (and that’s saying something coming from a former regulator). They’re scary.

My brief responses —

1. The lack of self-awareness stems from a system that provides the regulators with great personal rewards while simultaneously offering little risk. You can become wealthy and powerful as an antitrust lawyer, and there’s almost no chance your actions will catch up with you. The FTC doesn’t fire lawyers who lose cases; for one thing, the FTC rarely loses, and when it does, there’s always someone else to blame (like a meddlesome federal court).

2. Antitrust regulators obsess over the trivial because it minimizes their exposure. The press and public pay little attention when the FTC or DOJ targets a merger in some obscure field, because most people don’t care. If antitrust regulators abuse power and nobody is around to witness it, did they really abuse power?

3. The “PR coup” is a byproduct of the “bipartisan” nature of antitrust. Unlike, say, ambulance-chasing malpractice attorneys, antitrust lawyers as a group do not appear to be disproportionately Democratic. There are plenty of prominent Republican antitrust lawyers. This means the antitrust system has few natural political enemies to worry about.

Waging War Against Physicians

William N. Grigg recently wrote about the Justice Department’s imposition of price controls (via antitrust) on Idaho orthopedists:

As an assembly of quasi-divine bureaucratic beings, the Idaho Industrial Commission apparently determines the “relative value unit” and “conversion factor” for medical reimbursements through direct revelation.

In 2006, the Commission’s Olympian deliberations yielded a “conversion factor” of $88 for many of the common orthopedic procedures covered through government-mandated worker’s compensation insurance.

The revised fee schedule was to go into effect that April 1 (the symbolic birthday of anybody who believes government to be a necessary and useful enterprise). It would have resulted in sharply reduced reimbursements to orthopedic surgeons.

Predictably, a group of specialists in that field failed to appreciate the supernal wisdom contained in the Commission’s freshly minted revelation: Betrayed by their faithless eyes, the physicians noticed that new fee schedule would probably put more than a few of them out of business. They compared notes and decided to organize an effort (coordinated through the Idaho Orthopedic Society) to change the government-imposed fee schedule.

Through meetings, phone conversations, and e-mail messages, a number of orthopedic surgeons agreed to withdraw from the workman’s compensation insurance program, and to urge the Commission to revise the reimbursement rate to a more realistic figure.

No doctor was coerced or otherwise pressured into opting out; in fact, specialists continued to provide treatment to emergency room patients under the new, lower rates.

In February 2007, amid widespread defections of orthopedic specialists from the workman’s comp program, the Commission consulted its Urim and Thummim and revised its fee schedule again, enacting a 61% increase over the artificially low rate it had set a year earlier. Satisfied, doctors rejoined the program – even as Leviathan quietly prepared to punish them for their impudence.

In the American political lexicon, the activities in which the Idaho orthopedic surgeons engaged are described as petitioning government for redress of grievances, a civic function explicitly protected by the Constitution. According to the Obama Regime – and, let us not forget, the Republican-dominated Idaho state government, which collaborated in this totalitarian initiative – the doctors engaged in “a combination or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce” as defined by the detestable Sherman Act.

In the government’s conspiracy theory, every meeting or communication among the defendants was an “overt act” in the furtherance of that supposed criminal design. Thus the terms of the settlement imposed on the surgeons by the “Justice” Department are designed to criminalize the exercise of constitutionally protected rights, and enforcement of the settlement will require Stasi-grade intrusive surveillance.

Some People Never Change

Today’s post at Mises.org details the Federal Trade Commission’s latest post-merger challenge — the second this week — involving Fidelity National Financial, Inc. Fidelity agreed to undo a merger completed two years ago. As I note in my post, Fidelity’s outside counsel is Joseph J. Simons, the former head of the FTC’s Bureau of Competition. I find it strange anyone would hire Simons to defend them against FTC charges given his track record as a prosecutor. I documented one of Simons’s “signature” cases in a 2003 article, which I reprint below.

* * *

Previously, we reported on the Federal Trade Commission’s effort to derail a merger in the “superpremium” ice cream market. The story, it turns out, has garnered significant media attention, to the point where two senior FTC officials felt the need to publicly denounce those of us who have the gall to question the wisdom of antitrust enforcement.

On March 12, Wall Street Journal columnist Holman Jenkins authored an excellent critique of the FTC’s efforts to stop the Nestles-Dreyer’s ice cream merger. Jenkins thesis cut right to the chase: this case has nothing to do with law or protecting “consumers,” but rather was an example of the FTC trying to justify its existence. With true monopolies nowhere to be found in the private sector, the FTC now resorts to inventing phantom monopolies in order to justify its annual budget (and to make the careers of upstart FTC lawyers.)

Not surprisingly, the FTC sees things differently. In a letter to the Journal, FTC general counsel William Kovacic and Bureau of Competition Director Joseph Simons denounced Jenkins — and by extension, all antitrust opponents — for failing to see the moral necessity of the FTC’s case against Nestle-Dreyer’s:

In his March 12 column (“FTC Screams for Antitrust”), Holman Jenkins Jr. reissues his perennial call for abolishing the antitrust laws. A frequent defender of the oppressed cartel classes, Mr. Jenkins rebukes the unanimous decision by the FTC–a body of three Republican and two Democratic appointees–to challenge Nestlé’s $2.8 billion proposed acquisition of Dreyer’s Ice Cream.

His critique of the FTC’s opposition to the Nestles/Dreyer’s merger reveals an indifference to consumer welfare. Is Mr. Jenkins saying that if prices to consumers would increase after the acquisition, tough luck? Or is it simply that even if the FTC had empirical evidence that prices likely will rise after the merger, Mr. Jenkins knows better because, well, just because…?

Perhaps mere intuition should replace empirical analysis in determining whether competition among the three major super-premium competitors (Nestles, Ben & Jerry’s, and Dreyer’s) significantly affects super-premium prices. So, for example, Mr. Jenkins would ignore the fact that Dreyer’s roll-out of super-premium brands caused a substantial competitive response, and prices fell. Of course, had Nestles owned Dreyer’s, this competitive response never would have occurred. But, since this roll-out and the development of the super-premium market occurred after a 1988 court decision cited by Mr. Jenkins, in Mr. Jenkins view it seemingly never happened.

The first phrase that strikes you is the accusation that Jenkins possesses “an indifference to consumer welfare.” That statement is unproven on many fronts. First, opposition to antitrust does not necessarily mean opposition to “consumer welfare”; indeed, those of us who advocate unfettered capitalism believe that a free market–free, that is, of antitrust–is far more beneficial to consumers than any government-planned economic system. After all, capitalism rewards businesses that satisfy their customers, while antitrust rewards businesses that satisfy the whims of government regulators.

But even presuming, arguendo, that antitrust laws are beneficial to “consumer welfare,” that does not ethically justify the FTC’s actions. The purpose of government, after all, is to protect individual rights, not the prerogatives of any particular interest group–and in this context, “consumers” are a favored interest group afforded special privileges by the FTC. Stripped of prissy legalisms, the FTC’s actions amount to forced redistribution of wealth: they propose to deny Nestle and Dreyer’s the right to benefit from their own property in order to provide lower prices for consumers. This completely ignores the fact that without the efforts of these companies, there would be no “superpremium” ice cream in the first place for consumers to purchase.

Also consider the conditional statement, “even if the FTC had empirical evidence that prices likely will rise after the merger…” Even if? Does this mean the FTC has no empirical evidence in support of their case against Nestle & Dreyer’s? If so, that’s hardly a surprise. In the overwhelming majority of antitrust cases, the government presents little or no actual evidence in support of its claims. Indeed, the government often argues they need not produce any proof that consumers were actually harmed–it is sufficient, for antitrust purposes, to only show a potential harm might develop if businesses are left to their own judgments. Couched in such a nonsensical series of hypothetical, antitrust is the perfect legal weapon: non-objective “law” that substitutes fear for proof, and force for reason.

Many current and former antitrust lawyers are well aware of their profession’s true nature. R.B. Rogers, a retired antitrust lawyer, offered these thoughts on Donald Luskin’s website:

When I started practicing law in 1964, antitrust law was based upon a series of perfectly silly judicial decisions, and government guidelines based upon those decisions. Nobody could merge with any competitor, for example, not even two grocery stores on adjacent corners at one geographic location-the now infamous Von’s case. Virtually every restraint of trade was “per se,” unlawful, a legal conclusion which avoided the necessity of proving that a challenged practice had any anticompetitive effect.

Rogers also discusses how regulators manipulate market definition to make their cases:

Once upon a time, I represented Orange Crush (remember?) in an FTC proceeding against all of the major soft drink companies. Each brand(!!!!) was gerrymandered into a “market.” Thus, Orange Crush (with less than 2%) of soft drink sales, had monopoly power in the (tah-dah!) “carbonated orange drink market.” Dr. Pepper, that giant among soft drinks, had an absolute monopoly of the “pepper flavored cola market.”

In the Nestle-Dreyer’s case, the FTC arbitrarily took three brands of ice cream, and declared them a “market” separate from all other ice cream brands sold. This alone ignores the supposedly cardinal rule of market definition: a market is composed of products that are reasonable substitutes for one another. Hence, the FTC is arguing that consumers of Ben & Jerry’s would never consider purchasing a generic brand of ice cream instead. This defies common sense, to say nothing of the “empirical evidence” the FTC claims they might have.

The FTC’s only defense for their actions is their exclusive (some would say fanatical) focus on short-term consumer prices. If a merger of two companies causes consumers to pay more, the merger must violate antitrust law in some way. This is not a reasoned argument, but an article of faith accepted by every FTC attorney — it is a product of the “mere intuition” Kovacic and Simons accuse Holman Jenkins of relying on. Indeed, the FTC knows their actions are rationally indefensible, which is why they rely on smearing their opponents and tossing around floating abstractions like “consumer welfare” to justify what they’re doing.

Today at Mises.org…

…I tell you more then you ever wanted to know about the Federal Trade Commission’s crusade to “liberate” the market for teeth-whitening services in the State of North Carolina.